James Anderson critically reinterprets the history of southern black education from Reconstruction to the Great Depression. By placing black schooling within a political, cultural, and economic context, he offers fresh insights into black commitment to education, the peculiar significance of Tuskegee Institute, and the conflicting goals of various philanthropic groups, among other matters. Initially, ex-slaves attempted to create an educational system that would support and extend their emancipation, but their children were pushed into a system of industrial education that presupposed black political and economic subordination. This conception of education and social order--supported by northern industrial philanthropists, some black educators, and most southern school officials--conflicted with the aspirations of ex-slaves and their descendants, resulting at the turn of the century in a bitter national debate over the purposes of black education. Because blacks lacked economic and political power, white elites were able to control the structure and content of black elementary, secondary, normal, and college education during the first third of the twentieth century. Nonetheless, blacks persisted in their struggle to develop an educational system in accordance with their own needs and desires. |James Anderson critically reinterprets the history of southern black education from Reconstruction to the Great Depression. By placing black schooling within a political, cultural, and economic context, he offers fresh insights into black commitment to education, the peculiar significance of Tuskegee Institute, and the conflicting goals of various philanthropic groups, among other matters.

Based on a PhD thesis presented to Newcastle University in 1992, this book assesses through a specific survey area the efficiency of Raymond Selkirk's Piercebridge formula for Roman river transportation systems across Britain. Evidence for the formula is examined at ten sites across the North-east, and an alternative to the Piercebridge formula method of supply to the Roman army in the North-east is advanced.

The question of why we need to think about how we research race demands a conceptualization of race that captures both its social construction and its temporal evolution. We need both an understanding of race and clarity about how we talk about it in our design and conduct of research, and in how we interpret and apply it in our findings. As a field, we can use research on race and racism in education to help construct social change. Our purpose with this volume is to underscore the persistence of the discriminatory actions-processes-and the normalization of the use of race (and class)-conditions-to justify the existing and growing disparity between the quality of life and opportunity for middle-class and more affluent Whites and that for people of color and people of color who live in poverty. As editors of this volume, we wonder what more we could learn and understand about the process and condition of race if we dare to ask bold questions about race and racism and commit to methods and analyses that respect the experiences and knowledges of our research participants and partners.

The modern American corporate-industrial state requires a massive ideological machine to establish social order, create political consensus, train obedient citizen-workers, and dispatch marginalized groups to their « place. Mass public education has helped to forge the modern political state that enforces social and racial inequality. Disenchanted African Americans, representing dissenting viewpoints, have vigorously protested this educational system, which is rooted in segregation, differentiated funding, falsehoods, alienation, and exclusion. This important book belongs in classrooms devoted to achieving racial equality in public education.